Freedom on the net

Countries at the Crossroads

Countries at the Crossroads, published from 2004 to 2012, was an annual analysis of government performance in 70 strategically important countries that were at a critical crossroads in determining their political futures. The in-depth comparative assessments and quantitative ratings—examining government accountability, civil liberties, rule of law, and anticorruption and transparency efforts—were intended to help international policymakers identify areas of progress, as well as to highlight areas of concern that could be addressed through diplomatic efforts and reform assistance.

Download PDFs: 

• Countries at the Crossroads 2012 — Download PDF
• Countries at the Crossroads 2011 — Download PDF

Nations in Transit

Nations in Transit is the only comprehensive, comparative, and multidimensional study of reform in the former Communist states of Europe and Eurasia. Nations in Transit tracks the reform record of 29 countries and administrative areas and provides Freedom House’s most in-depth data about this vast and important region.

• Nations in Transit 2021: The Antidemocratic Turn
• Nations in Transit 2020: Dropping the Democratic Facade
• Nations in Transit 2019 — Download PDF 
• Nations in Transit 2018: Confronting Illiberalism
• Nations in Transit 2017: The False Promise of Populism
• Nations in Transit 2016: Europe and Eurasia Brace for Impact
• Nations in Transit 2015 — Download PDF
• Nations in Transit 2014 — Download PDF
• Nations in Transit 2013 — Download PDF
• Nations in Transit 2012 — Download PDF
• Nations in Transit 2011 — Download PDF
• Nations in Transit 2010 — Download PDF
• Nations in Transit 2009 — Download PDF

Why Measure Internet Freedom?

As we increasingly rely on the internet, it is important that the rights we enjoy offline are also protected online. The freedoms of expression, access to information, privacy, and association and assembly enshrined in international covenants are fundamental to the upholding of liberal democratic values. Even in closed societies, digital technology can penetrate longstanding political and media restrictions, carving out a limited space for freedom online. 

Digital technology is a tool like any other; it can be used by both evaders and enforcers of government censorship and surveillance. Authoritarians, too, have understood the internet’s potential for individual and community empowerment and over the past few years have worked to build a new barrier of fear in the online domain. 

Given this emerging battleground for human rights, Freedom on the Net measures internet freedom in order to identify threats to rights and opportunities for positive change. Our reports seek to inform the wider community of activists, journalists, policymakers, entrepreneurs, and ordinary citizens in order to advocate for an internet characterized by freedom, openness, safety, and security for all. 

Поддержка пользователей

Для своих клиентов интернет-провайдер «Фридом Хаус» организовал отдел технической поддержки. Он решает вопросы о техническом обслуживании интернета, его низкой скорости, отсутствии подключения. Аккаунт поможет вызвать специалиста для устранения неполадок с видеонаблюдением.

Работает служба технической поддержки каждый день с 9:00 до 23:00. Связаться можно по телефону 8-812-401-61-41.

Телефон службы поддержки указан на главной странице в правом верхнем углу. Он появляется при наведении курсора на стилизованный значок телефонной трубки. Там же есть ссылка «Оставить заявку». При нажатии на неё открывается форма с запросом номера телефона. Если вписать номер своего телефона и нажать на кнопку «Отправить», то вскоре сотрудники компании перезвонят клиенту.

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Александр Лаптев
В 2011 году окончил ФГОБУ ВО «Финансовый университет при Правительстве Российской Федерации» по специальности «Экономист». В настоящее время помогаю в освоении сайта cabinet-bank.ru, и готов ответить на Ваши вопросы. (Страница автора)

Последние записи автора — Александр Лаптев

• Вход в личный кабинет Компаньон Финанс: пошаговая инструкция, функции профиля — 07.05.2021
• Личный кабинет Комос Закупки: регистрация на сайте, инструкция для входа — 07.05.2021
• Вход в личный кабинет Комеджик: пошаговый алгоритм, функции аккаунта — 07.05.2021

Взгляд российской власти[править]

Российская власть фактически проигнорировала выход доклада и снижение показателей России.

Пресс-секретарь Владимира Путина Дмитрий Песков назвал изложенные в нём тезисы «стандартными заблуждениями о России»: «Такие подходы не имеют ничего общего с экспертным подходом и новизной не отличаются».

Зампред комитета Госдумы по международным делам Вячеслав Никонов также раскритиковали сообщение правозащитников, назвав принятые за последний год законы «демократичными»: «Все принятые законы поддерживают по меньшей мере две трети населения России. А демократия — это мнение народа страны, а не предвзятой американской организации, которую следует игнорировать».

Countries in the Spotlight

The following countries—and one territory—featured important developments in 2020 that affected their democratic trajectory, and deserve special scrutiny in 2021.

• Armenia: Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s reformist government is in political jeopardy as the country grapples with the fallout from the war with Azerbaijan.
• Côte d’Ivoire: President Alassane Ouattara defied constitutional term limits and secured election to a third term in a process marred by candidate disqualifications, an opposition boycott, and widespread political violence.
• El Salvador: President Nayib Bukele has used security forces to strongarm the parliament and enforce brutal pandemic-related restrictions on movement.
• Ethiopia: The initially reformist government responded to political and ethnic unrest with mass arrests and a military offensive in the Tigray Region, leading to widespread and egregious human rights violations.
• Hong Kong: Beijing’s imposition of a draconian National Security Law in 2020 has resulted in arrests of prodemocracy activists, increased self-censorship, and a weakening of due process safeguards.
• Jordan: Authorities disbanded a major teachers’ union and enforced excessive restrictions on assembly during the pandemic, suppressing dissent and harming the quality of parliamentary elections.
• Malawi: A flawed 2019 election was annulled by the Constitutional Court, the rerun election was better managed, and the resulting government made progress in fighting corruption.
• North Macedonia: The recently reelected government of Prime Minister Zoran Zaev has reversed years of democratic backsliding, but the country continues to be denied a chance to join the European Union.
• Peru: The dubious impeachment of one president was quickly followed by the resignation of his replacement, highlighting deep political dysfunction that has disrupted anticorruption efforts.
• Sri Lanka: A pandemic-related delay in elections allowed President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to rule without a legislature for five months, and once elected, the new parliament approved constitutional amendments to expand the president’s authority.

Hobbling a Champion of Global Press Freedom

Never in the 38 years that Freedom House has been monitoring global press freedom has the United States figured as much in the public debate about the topic as in 2016 and the first months of 2017.

Press freedom globally has declined to its lowest levels in 13 years, thanks both to new threats to journalists and media outlets in major democracies, and to further crackdowns on independent media in authoritarian countries like Russia and China.

But it is the far-reaching attacks on the news media and their place in a democratic society by Donald Trump, first as a candidate and now as president of the United States, that fuel predictions of further setbacks in the years to come.

No U.S. president in recent memory has shown greater contempt for the press than Trump in his first months in office. He has repeatedly ridiculed reporters as dishonest purveyors of “fake news” and corrupt betrayers of the national interest. Borrowing a term popularized by Soviet leader Joseph Stalin, Trump has labeled the news media as “enemies of the people.” His senior White House adviser described journalists as “the opposition party.”

Such comments suggest a hostility toward the fundamental principles and purposes of press freedom, especially the news media’s role in holding governments to account for their words and actions—as opposed to the government holding the media to account. They also raise concern that the U.S. president may, in effect, be offering a license to political leaders elsewhere who have cracked down on the media as part of a larger authoritarian playbook.

Trump takes questions from reporters during a news conference in the East Room at the White House on February 16, 2017 in Washington, DC. Credit: Getty Images. ​​​​​

Взгляд из России[править]

На взгляд авторов исследования, Российская Федерации встала сегодня в один ряд с такими странами, как Казахстан, Украина и Таджикистан.

В докладе подчеркнуто, что ситуация в России явно ухудшилась после того как президентом вновь стал Владимир Путин, практически нейтрализовавший официальную политическую оппозицию и инициировавший целый ряд законов, направленных на подавление становящейся все более активной общественной оппозиции.

Стало хуже, но будет лучше?править

Оценивая касающиеся России выводы специалистов Freedom House, российские правозащитники, которых опросила Русская служба «Голоса Америки», разошлись в нюансах, равно как и во мнении относительно перспектив страны вновь встать на демократические рельсы.

Так, председатель Совета при президенте РФ по содействию развитию институтов гражданского общества и правам человека Михаил Федотов согласен с тем, что изменения, произошедшие в российском законодательстве, ухудшили обстановку в сфере обеспечения прав человека.

«Это абсолютно точно, и в данном случае я выражаю не свою позицию, а позицию совета, который по поводу целого ряда законов выступал критически. Радует, что некоторые из наших предложений были учтены законодателями», — добавил он.

Последнее внушает ему определенный оптимизм: «Есть надежда, что эти законы нам еще все-таки удастся привести в божеский вид. И если сейчас мы говорим об ухудшении ситуации, то, думаю, в самом ближайшем времени сможем говорить о ее улучшении», — предположил Федотов.

Об оптимизме и идеализмеправить

Его оптимизм не вполне разделяет директор Института прав человека, член экспертного совета при Уполномоченном по правам человека Валентин Гефтер. Он думает, что в ближайшее время трудно ожидать перемен к лучшему.

«Не надо быть таким бездумным идеалистом. Но на более длинную дистанцию, полагаю, перспективы все-таки есть. Поезд не ушел. Есть гражданское общество, есть, верю, даже часть бюрократии, которая понимает тупиковость и вред от ряда принятых за последние года решений и разного рода мер», — констатировал Гефтер.

Как ему кажется, перспективы здесь во многом зависят от того, «насколько далеко может зайти власть в своем злоупотреблении правом, в ущемлении существующих политических и гражданских свобод».

По его словам, еще есть надежда, что удастся противостоять, а может быть, и переломить эту тенденцию.

«Если давление (властей) будет нарастать, так сказать, крещендо, то, боюсь, дело кончится если и не социальным взрывом, то какими-то громкими политическими неурядицами», — резюмировал он.

В то же время, рассуждая о правоприменительной российской практике, Михаил Федотов сказал, что она не ухудшилась.

«Она осталась такой же, как и была, — уточнил он. — Другое дело, что она нас далеко не удовлетворяет. Однако здесь никакого серьезного ужесточения я не наблюдаю. Есть отдельные факты, но они, к сожалению, есть всегда. В целом, конечно, правоприменительная практика нас тоже не устраивает. Но сказать, что она стала хуже, я не могу».

Злоупотребление правомправить

В свою очередь, Валентин Гефтер посетовал на недостаточную дифференцированность подхода в докладе Freedom House.

«Потому что есть какие-то вещи, в которых незаметно серьезных ухудшений. А есть и ощутимое ущемление прав отдельных категорий граждан, некоммерческих организаций и участников публичных акций. Их положение заметно ухудшилось потому, что были приняты те или иные нормативные акты и осуществлены конкретные действия (против них)», — заключил он.

Директор Института прав человека заявил, что в целом, он, безусловно, согласен с выводами Freedom House.

«Но просто хотелось бы большей конкретики и дифференцированности», — пояснил он.

Гефтер считает, что для современной России характерно «злоупотребление правом».

«Это очень часто воспринимается буквально, например, что чересчур часто используются правовые механизмы, — продолжил он. — Нет, имеется ввиду совсем другое, с моей точки зрения. Злоупотребляют писанными законами, какими-то нормами, какими-то полулегитимным, скажем так, с точки зрения общественного мнения, практиками. И делается это вовсе не для того чтобы восторжествовало верховенство права», — подытожил он.

Зачем нужны «Тик Ток-хаусы»?

У жителей хаусов нет приза, за который нужно бороться, они не подвергаются испытаниям. Смысл их нахождения — построение человеческих отношений, создание общего контента. Иногда тиктокеры пишут музыку, исполняют песни собственного сочинения.

Также тиктокеры объединяются по таким причинам:

1. Обмен подписчиками. Коллаборации помогают увеличить число подписчиков.
2. Продуктивность. В условиях хауса для тиктокеров проще сосредоточиться на создании годного контента. Кроме того, некоторые тиктокерские дома предусматривают определенные обязательства. Например, создание не менее 3 видео в день.
3. Взаимопомощь. Тиктокеры могут помогать друг другу, если заканчиваются идеи, нужно подержать камеру и т. п.

Freedom of the Press

Freedom of the Press, an annual report on media independence around the world, was published between 1980 and 2017, and assessed the degree of print, broadcast, and digital media freedom in 199 countries and territories. It provided numerical scores and country narratives evaluating the legal environment for the media, political pressures that influenced reporting, and economic factors that affected access to news and information.

• Freedom of the Press 2017 
• Freedom of the Press 2016 
• Freedom of the Press 2015 
• Freedom of the Press 2014
• Freedom of the Press 2013 

The first edition of Freedom of the Press covered the year 1979. The historical data are available in Excel format here:

Download Freedom of the Press Excel Data

Regional Trends

Sub-Saharan Africa:Entrenched Autocrats, Fragile Institutions

Several major countries in sub-Saharan Africa faced critical tests in the form of elections, popular protests, or surges in political violence during 2016.

Ethiopia experienced its worst political upheaval in many years, when protests by the Oromo people over ethnic and land rights broadened into a general eruption of popular discontent after decades of ethnicity-based political marginalization by the authoritarian ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Security forces used disproportionate and lethal force against protesters in the Oromia and Amhara regions, killing hundreds of people over the course of the year. Tens of thousands were detained, the internet and social media were periodically blocked, and a state of emergency imposed in October further expanded the government’s already vast powers to crack down on the rights to expression, assembly, and movement.

In the Democratic Republic of Congo, unpopular president Joseph Kabila successfully maneuvered to delay constitutionally mandated elections, reaching a fragile «consensus» deal to extend his term beyond its scheduled December 2016 expiration; while the deal is supported by the main opposition coalition and much of civil society, skepticism remains over implementation. Kabila’s regime violently suppressed protests against the election delay, and blocked social media in an effort to thwart protest organizers—taking a page from the playbook of the EPRDF and other repressive regimes around the world.

Some of the stronger democracies in Southern and East Africa exhibited worrying signs of dysfunction during the year. In South Africa, revelations about the vast political influence of the wealthy Gupta family placed even greater pressure on President Jacob Zuma, who was also contending with protests over service delivery and university governance and the ruling African National Congress’s unprecedented losses in subnational elections. Meanwhile, Zuma’s administration moved to withdraw South Africa from the International Criminal Court, tarnishing the country’s commitment to the rule of law.

Political violence in Mozambique reached dangerous new levels, as supporters of the opposition Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO) and ruling Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) engaged in assassinations. Clashes erupted between the army and RENAMO fighters, and security forces’ abuse of civilian populations in the country’s central region forced thousands to flee to Malawi.

In Zimbabwe, citizens increasingly frustrated with an inept and corrupt government vented their dissatisfaction through social protest movements, prompting violence, arrests, and demonstration bans. The protests, combined with factional rivalries in the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and a self-inflicted economic crisis, have further weakened the regime of 92-year-old president Robert Mugabe.

In a bright spot at year’s end, Ghana consolidated its position as one of the most stable democracies on the continent when opposition candidate Nana Akufo-Addo defeated incumbent John Mahama in the December presidential election.

The Struggle Comes Home: Attacks on Democracy in the United States

U.S. President Donald Trump waves as he boards Air Force One. Photo credit: Kevin Dietsch-Pool/Getty Images.

Freedom House has advocated for democracy around the world since its founding in 1941, and since the early 1970s it has monitored the global status of political rights and civil liberties in the annual Freedom in the World report. During the report’s first three decades, as the Cold War gave way to a general advance of liberal democratic values, we urged on reformist movements and denounced the remaining dictators for foot-dragging and active resistance. We raised the alarm when progress stagnated in the 2000s, and called on major democracies to maintain their support for free institutions.

Today, after 13 consecutive years of decline in global freedom, backsliding among new democracies has been compounded by the erosion of political rights and civil liberties among the established democracies we have traditionally looked to for leadership and support. Indeed, the pillars of freedom have come under attack here in the United States. And just as we have called out foreign leaders for undermining democratic norms in their countries, we must draw attention to the same sorts of warning signs in our own country. It is in keeping with our mission, and given the irreplaceable role of the United States as a champion of global freedom, it is a priority we cannot afford to ignore.

US Freedom in Decline

The great challenges facing US democracy did not commence with the inauguration of President Donald Trump. Intensifying political polarization, declining economic mobility, the outsized influence of special interests, and the diminished influence of fact-based reporting in favor of bellicose partisan media were all problems afflicting the health of American democracy well before 2017. Previous presidents have contributed to the pressure on our system by infringing on the rights of American citizens. Surveillance programs such as the bulk collection of communications metadata, initially undertaken by the George W. Bush administration, and the Obama administration’s overzealous crackdown on press leaks are two cases in point.

At the midpoint of his term, however, there remains little question that President Trump exerts an influence on American politics that is straining our core values and testing the stability of our constitutional system. No president in living memory has shown less respect for its tenets, norms, and principles. Trump has assailed essential institutions and traditions including the separation of powers, a free press, an independent judiciary, the impartial delivery of justice, safeguards against corruption, and most disturbingly, the legitimacy of elections. Congress, a coequal branch of government, has too frequently failed to push back against these attacks with meaningful oversight and other defenses.

Women’s Rights in the Middle East and North Africa

Women’s Rights in the Middle East and North Africa was a comparative assessment of women’s rights in those regions, using a methodology encompassing the spectrum of rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The inaugural edition, released in 2005, found that despite some progress toward equality in a number of countries, there was a pervasive gender-based gap in rights and freedoms in every facet of society: the legal framework, the criminal justice system, the economy, education, health care, and the media. An expanded edition of the study was published in 2010.

Download PDF: 

Women’s Rights in the Middle East and North Africa Complete Book — Download PDF 

What Do We Measure?

Freedom on the Net measures the subtle and not-so-subtle ways that governments and non-state actors around the world restrict our rights online. Each country assessment includes a detailed narrative report and numerical score, based on methodology developed in consultation with international experts. This methodology includes three categories:

• Obstacles to Access details infrastructural, economic, and political barriers to access; government decisions to shut off connectivity or block specific applications or technologies; legal, regulatory, and ownership control over internet service providers; and independence of regulatory bodies;
• Limits on Content analyzes legal regulations on content; technical filtering and blocking of websites; other forms of censorship and self-censorship; the vibrancy and diversity of the online environment; and the use of digital tools for civic mobilization;
• Violations of User Rights tackles legal protections and restrictions on free expression; surveillance and privacy; and legal and extralegal repercussions for online speech and activities, such as imprisonment, extralegal harassment and physical attacks, or cyberattacks.

Key Global Findings

• Global press freedom declined to its lowest point in 13 years in 2016 amid unprecedented threats to journalists and media outlets in major democracies and new moves by authoritarian states to control the media, including beyond their borders.
• Only 13 percent of the world’s population enjoys a Free press—that is, a media environment where coverage of political news is robust, the safety of journalists is guaranteed, state intrusion in media affairs is minimal, and the press is not subject to onerous legal or economic pressures.
• Forty-five percent of the population lives in countries where the media environment is Not Free. The world’s 10 worst-rated countries and territories were Azerbaijan, Crimea, Cuba, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Iran, North Korea, Syria, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.
• Politicians in democracies  such as Poland and Hungary shaped news coverage by undermining traditional media outlets, exerting their influence over public broadcasters, and raising the profile of friendly private outlets.
• United States President Donald Trump disparaged the press, rejecting the news media’s role in holding governments to account for their words and actions.
• Officials in more authoritarian settings such as Turkey, Ethiopia, and Venezuela used political or social unrest as a pretext for new crackdowns on independent or opposition-oriented outlets.
• Authorities in several countries in sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, and Asia extended restrictive laws to online speech, or simply shut down telecommunications services at crucial moments, such as before elections or during protests.
• Among the countries that suffered the largest declines were Poland, Turkey, Burundi, Hungary, Bolivia, Serbia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Что такое хаусы в «Тик Ток»?

Идея создания общего дома для тиктокеров принадлежит американцам. Первый Hype House появился в 2019 году в США. Проект настолько полюбился, что подобные дома стали появляться в России. Россиянам и гражданам ближнего зарубежья всегда нравились телепередачи, суть которых заключается в наблюдении за чужими жизнями. По-другому феномен шоу «За стеклом», «Дом-2» объяснить невозможно.

Что касается тиктокеров, они собираются под одной крышей, регулярно снимают ролики о совместной жизни. Такие коллаборации успешно работают, поэтому у проживающих блогеров есть возможность стать еще более известными.

The Implications for Democracy of China’s Globalizing Media Influence

A newspaper consumer reads a copy of the Africa edition of Beijing’s state-run China Daily newspaper in front of a newsstand in Nairobi, Kenya. Photo Credit: TONY KARUMBA/AFP/Getty Images.

Key Findings

• The Chinese government, Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and various proxies have rapidly expanded their influence over media production and dissemination channels abroad. As a result, the CCP has enhanced its ability to interfere aggressively in other countries, should it choose to do so.
• Chinese authorities influence news media content around the world through three primary strategies: promoting the CCP’s narratives, suppressing critical viewpoints, and managing content delivery systems.
• These efforts have already undercut key features of democratic governance and best practices for media freedom by undermining fair competition, interfering with Chinese diaspora communities, weakening the rule of law, and establishing channels for political meddling.
• Actions by policymakers and media development donors in democracies will play a critical role in coming years in countering the potential negative impact of Beijing’s foreign media influence campaigns.

About Freedom on the Net

Freedom on the Net is Freedom House’s annual survey and analysis of internet freedom around the world. This cutting-edge project consists of ground-breaking research and analysis, fact-based advocacy, and on-the-ground capacity building. 

The hallmark of our analysis is the annual Freedom on the Net report. It features a ranked, country-by-country assessment of online freedom, a global overview of the latest developments, as well as in depth country reports. 

The key trends and emerging threats highlighted in reports are then used in national and international advocacy campaigns by Freedom House. Our findings are also used by activists worldwide in working for change, by international development agencies in designing programs and determining aid recipients, by tech companies for business decisions and risk assessments, by journalists who cover human rights online, by governments and policymakers, and by scholars and experts. 

Press Freedom’s Dark Horizon

Press freedom worldwide deteriorated to its lowest point in 13 years in 2016, driven by unprecedented threats to journalists and media outlets in major democracies, intensified crackdowns on independent media in authoritarian settings, and moves by the Russian and Chinese regimes to increase their influence beyond their borders.

The share of the world’s population that enjoys a Free press according to the Freedom of the Press report criteria stood at just 13 percent, meaning fewer than one in seven people live in countries where coverage of political news is robust, the safety of journalists is guaranteed, state intrusion in media affairs is minimal, and the press is not subject to onerous legal or economic pressures.

Political leaders and other partisan forces in many democracies—including the United States, Poland, the Philippines, and South Africa—attacked the credibility of the independent and mainstream media through alarmingly hostile rhetoric, personalized abuse online, and indirect editorial pressure. They sought to delegitimize critical or impartial sources of information and reshape news coverage to their advantage, apparently rejecting the traditional watchdog role of a free press in democratic societies.

Meanwhile, pressure on journalists in more restrictive environments continued unabated. The governments of Russia and China—having established near-complete control over the domestic media—stepped up their efforts to interfere in, and disrupt, the media environments in neighboring countries and those farther afield. And authorities in settings such as Turkey, Ethiopia, and Venezuela used political or social unrest as a pretext to crack down further on independent or opposition-oriented outlets.

Officials in several countries in sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, and Asia extended restrictive laws to online speech, or simply shut down telecommunications services at crucial moments.

There were a few positive developments during the year, as governments in Afghanistan, Argentina, Panama, and Sri Lanka moved to establish better relations with the press and improve media environments that had suffered under their predecessors. However, the practical effects of many of these improvements remain to be seen.

Democratic Leaders’ Contempt for the Press

Over the past year, politicians in democratic states launched or escalated efforts to shape news coverage by delegitimizing the mainstream media, exerting political influence over public broadcasters, and raising the profile of friendly private outlets. Such techniques had been seen for years in countries such as Hungary and Serbia, but they have appeared to spread rapidly since the start of 2016, affecting countries such as the United States and Poland.

Donald Trump’s successful presidential campaign transformed the media environment in the United States. During campaign rallies and since taking office in 2017, Trump has labeled media outlets that critiqued his performance as “dishonest,” “fake news,” and the “enemy of the American people,” echoing narratives that had been circulating on far-right or “alt-right” websites throughout the election cycle.

While the government in Hungary, led by the conservative Fidesz party, has been gradually consolidating its control over the media since taking power in 2010, a new development in 2016 was the sale of several media outlets to murky ownership structures that are assumed to have close government ties. Most notably, the closure and subsequent sale in October of Népszabadság, one of Hungary’s oldest and most prominent newspapers, demonstrated the government’s subjugation of the left-leaning, critical press.

In Poland, the conservative Law and Justice (PiS) party government, elected in October 2015, energetically mimicked Fidesz’s strategy. PiS attempted to undermine the credibility of critical media through comments such as party leader Jarosław Kaczyński’s claim that the largest broadsheet newspaper, Gazeta Wyborcza, was “against the very notion of the nation.” The party also asserted control over the public broadcaster by passing laws enabling the government to appoint its managers; by November, over 200 public media employees had resigned or been fired, and public outlets toed the government line throughout the year.

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